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Balancing the Belligerents
A Comparative Analysis of Ballistic missile Capabilities of China, Pakistan and India

 
   
 
By Air Marshal (Retd) VK Jimmy Bhatia Published: September 2013
 
 
 
 
 

APRIL 19 last year proved to be a red-letter day for India, as its latest Agni V ballistic missile was successfully test-fired by DRDO (Defence Research & Development Organisation) from Wheeler Island, using a rail mobile launcher, off the coast of Orissa. The flight time lasted 20 minutes inclusive of atmospheric re-entry and subsequent travel to the pre-designated impact point, more than 5,000 km away in the Indian Ocean. The missile in its maiden flight was able to meet all its test parameters and hit the target with pin-point accuracy.

 

In India, the success of the launch was received with much acclaim with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh congratulating all the scientific and technical personnel of the DRDO and other organisations for their tireless endeavours resulting in the outstanding achievement. “Agni V test launch represents another milestone in our quest to add to the credibility of our security and preparedness”, he asserted.

The Indian media, as was to be expected, went in a frenzy giving the Agni V the sobriquet of “China Killer” because of its reach. In a way, the solid-fuel Agni V with an initial range of 5,000 km that will likely to be extended to over 5,500 km, will not only put it in the category of a true Inter-Continental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) but, also give it the capability of reaching the northern parts of China when launched from the farthest north-eastern parts of India. The then DRDO Chief Dr Saraswat himself called the missile a “Game-changer”.

This reality was obviously not lost on Beijing as was evident from its response. There were in fact two strains of differing responses that emanated from the mouth-pieces of China. On one hand, the semi-official Global Times claimed India was a “cooperative partner” and advised it to “cherish the hard won momentum of sound bilateral relations.” In the same breath, though, India was also counseled not to harbour any “missile delusion” from what was described as a “dwarf missile” and not to “overestimate its strength” since “China’s nuclear power is stronger and more reliable.”

Clearly, this could hardly be construed as a veiled warning, brazen as it was in its intent and content. This was also a strong reminder for the over-hyped Indian media to face the realities as they exist.

China’s military undoubtedly has the world’s most active and diverse ballistic missile programme which it has been pursuing ever since it exploded its first nuclear weapon device in the 1960s. Its ballistic missile arsenal includes different types of missiles with ranges covering the entire spectrum from battlefield/short range to intercontinental ranges of up to 13,000 km. China continues to expand its missile programme under a broader military modernisation plan that has seen the country’s defence spending more than double since 2006. China’s missile arsenal includes a new submarine-launched JL-2 ballistic missile that will for the first time let Chinese submarines target part of the US from near China’s coast. In addition, its DF-21 is designed as an A2AD (Anti-Access Area Denial) weapon with a range of around 2,500 km specifically against an aircraft carrier naval task force. The implications of this sort of capability should be obvious to India for its land-based assets in the country and island territories and the naval forces even in the so-called home waters (IOR- Indian Ocean Region).

China, a profligate proliferator of nuclear arms and missiles, is also known to create proxy states and prepare them to do its bidding when required. Take the case of Pakistan where China not only helped it in developing the nuclear weapons but also supplied delivery systems in the form of different types of missiles with varied ranges. Pakistan, of course, cleverly disguised most of the missile programmes as its own by giving the missiles different Islamic names. For example, the first of Pakistan’s larger missile systems, the Hatf III ‘Ghaznavi’ with a range of 600 km and payload of 500 kg, first tested in July 1997, was claimed by Pakistan as a major break-through in its missile building capabilities. It has a two-stage solid fuel rocket motor and a more advanced terminal guidance system with an on-board computer. Five different types of warheads have been designed for the missile and they can be delivered with a claimed Circular Error Probability (CEP) of 0.1% at 600 km. But, it is a well known fact that Ghaznavi is none other than the Chinese M-11 missile. Similarly, Ghauri and Shaheen series of missiles are believed to have been basically acquired from China, painted slightly differently from the original Chinese missiles and claimed with much fanfare as Pakistan’s own. The Ghauri series are liquid-fuelled ballistic missiles whose development was known to be headed by the Kahuta Research Laboratories (KRL). Similarly, the Shaheen series are solid-fuelled ballistic missiles ostensibly developed by the National Development Complex (NDC), which was founded by the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission. It is well known that these programmes, especially the one involving the development of Shaheen series missiles was highly ambitious considering Pakistan’s lack of infrastructure. Even then two Shaheen variants are known to have been completed and made operational, the Shaheen-I and Shaheen-II. The still under development Shaheen-III IRBM (Intermediate Range Ballistic Missile) with a range of 4,500 km range will also be ready for operational deployment soon, as claimed by the Pak authorities. If that was not audacious enough, Pakistan has also unveiled another highly ambitious programme to develop a true-blood ICBM (Inter Continental Ballistic Missile) with a range in excess of 7,000 km.

India on the other hand, had to start from a scratch in its quest for developing its missile systems to provide the necessary deterrence against its two nuclear-armed neighbours. Prithvi and Agni series missiles are the result of painstaking research spanned over three decades as part of the overall Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme (IGMDP).

The latest in the ‘Agni’ series, Agni V with a 5,000 km+ range is scheduled for two more tests, success of which will determine as to when the missile could be inducted into operational service. Interestingly, the latter of the two tests will see the 50-tonne Agni V being fired from a hermetically-sealed canister mounted on a launcher truck.

“We are getting ready for two more tests of the three-stage Agni V this year, which will include the canister-launch trial. Our aim is to make the missile ready for induction in two years”, said the recently appointed DRDO chief, Dr Avinash Chander – also the Chief Architect of the Long Range Ballistic Missile System ‘Agni’.

It is noteworthy that while along with the Prithvi series the Pak-specific Agni I (700 km), Agni II (2,000 km+) and Agni III (3,000 km) have been inducted into the armed forces but even Agni IV with a strike range of 3,500 km is yet to enter operational service. Therefore, India could hardly boast of any worthwhile deterrence capability against China till the Agni IV and Agni V get operational (planned inductions, end-2014 and 2015, respectively).

With a massive nuclear arsenal and missiles like the 11,200 km+ Dong Feng, DF-31A capable of hitting any Indian city, Beijing is leagues ahead of New Delhi (see accompanying table for a comparison of the ballistic missiles of India, China and Pakistan).

India and especially its media should be cautious not to get into overdrive over its yet to be achieved operational capabilities vis-à-vis China. On the other hand, India needs to accelerate its Agni IV and V programmes to create at least the minimum deterrence capabilities against China.

The planned canister-launch system for Agni V would give the forces the requisite operational flexibility to swiftly transport the ballistic missile and launch it from a place of their own choosing. It will also bring in a much needed 2nd strike capability when viewed against India’s declared ‘No-First Use’ doctrine. But, this by itself will not be sufficient to create a credible nuclear deterrence.

According to Dr Chander, “After these two missiles (Agni IV and Agni V) are inducted, the two major focus areas will be manoeuvring warheads or re-entry vehicles to defeat enemy ballistic missile defence systems and MIRVS (Multiple Independently Targetable Re-entry Vehicles). An MIRV payload implies a single missile carrying several warheads, each programmed to hit different targets.

In the long run, India would also have to create the necessary ‘reach’ capabilities to fully cover the Chinese territory from any part of India, including its southern regions. Therefore, as Chander says while “there is no Agni VI programme as of now”, at some stage, development of the 10,000 km + Agni VI (or ‘Surya’?) ICBM may become a strategic necessity for India.

Till then, India would do well to “Keep a cool head and maintain a low profile. Never take the lead - but aim to do something big”, as postulated by the former Chinese President, Deng Xiaoping in the 1980s, when China embarked upon its own military modernisation programme.

 
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